Dorothy Thompson

Billings Gazette/December 1, 1920

ROME, Nov. 25 (By Mail)—Although a political revolution was averted in Italy in September by the granting of large concessions to the workers, there is plenty of evidence that a large section of the workers are not satisfied and that a very slight circumstance might precipitate another crisis.

This conviction was brought home when we were present in a metallurgical factory during the occupation by the workers, and had an opportunity to observe how they accepted the settlement.

We arrived in Italy on the last day of the occupation, and through the services of a very prominent American labor leader who was able to spend an entire day with the workers in a small factory just outside the city walls of Rome.

This factory, the “Industrie Mechaniche Romane,” manufactured telephone apparatus. It had 160 employees, 20 of whom were women. Early in September simultaneous with similar action in all of the metallurgical factories, these workers had seized the establishment and had’ conducted the industry while their representatives were negotiating for their demands with the employers. At the time when we arrived the trouble was over; the employers pressed by the government, which feared revolution, had conceded to their demands, leaving the interpretation of one of them, that is, “labor control”—in the hands of a commission, and this particular factory was concluding its own negotiations with the employer preparatory to handing his factory back to him the next day.

Raise Soviet Emblem

Signs of a change in management were immediately obvious when we arrived at the factory armed with an impressive document from the local labor council, which precluded any danger of our being spies. Over the door of the establishment was painted the Soviet emblem, and a large black sign on the gate announced sternly that he “who will not work neither shall be eat.” Other signs, inevitably dealing not with the iniquities of the employers but with the duties and discipline of workers, were painted on the walls.

In fact, discipline and the maintenance of standards of production seemed to be the chief problem of the shop council. They complained of great difficulties due to the shortage of material, and explained how they had sold goods for goods between occupied factories.

“The Fatme works near here, for instance, needed copper and we exchanged it for coal,” explained a member of the shop council. “We had one room lull of machinery which we could not use because of the absence of materials, but having plenty of tin on hand we adjusted the machines to manufacture tin ladles, and so turned out an entirely new product during the occupation,” he concluded.

Seal Master’s Safe

“We were taken to the bookkeepers’ office and permitted to see the cash books. The most careful accounts had been kept of all receipts and expenditures, with a view to squaring accounts with “the master.” We also saw the “master’s” safe, which contained ‘ money and papers and which had been sealed and countersigned in his presence on the day of the occupation. The seal remained unbroken after seventeen days of occupation. Over the safe a crude sign had been painted—the Soviet emblem with the motto, “To each the fruits of his labor.”

We lunched with the workers around a great kettle of spaghetti in the courtyard. The workers took exactly an hour and a half for lunch. When the whistle blew at 2 they returned to their machines with alacrity, after punching time cards. Moreover, the bulletin board on the wall of the courtyard announced the names of half a dozen workers who had been fined five lire each “for neglect of military duty,” or for “absence from work.”

Guard the Factory

Military duty consisted of parading with a rifle up and down the parapet of the building, between two red flags, meanwhile being eyed by two “carabiniere” who preserved the peace by watching the building. They sat on a knoll and chewed straw. Their costumes were impressive.

At 5 o’clock everyone assembled in the courtyard to hear the final report of negotiatins with the employers. While they waited they talked. “How were things going in America?” “Might Debs be elected president?” “Might there be a revolution there?” “No? Ah, well. America was rich not like Italy.”

“Workmen in the metal trades had only been getting 15 lire a day. That was only 60 cents in American money now. Of course, it was worth more than that in Italy, but not enough.

When the shop council returned and the chairman reported the final negotiations with lhe employers, the American labor leader was amazed. Practically everything had keen conceded. There was to be a wage increase of four lire per day; the workers were to be paid for their work during the occupation and were to be given six days’ vacation on pay; the director, whom the workers in this particularly factory greatly disliked, was to be dismissed; the employer would abide by the decision of the commission in regard to “labor control.”

But the significant thing about the report was the way in which the workers received it. They did not seem in the least thrilled or excited. They began to gather their things together preparatory to going home. Most of them had not slept in a bed for seventeen days or nights.

We asked the same question of all of them: “Are you satisfied?”

Most of them said: “It is all right for the present.”

One said: “It Is good to take a rest now. We have tested this method. There will never be another strike in Italy.”

Many merely shrugged their shoulders.