Dorothy Thompson
Fort Worth Star-Telegram/July 2o, 1946
Looking through my files I find that I have published since January 1944 more than a dozen columns predicting the results of the German policies that culminated in June 1945 in the Potsdam declaration.
These predictions included the warning that the radical truncation of Germany in the east would create an appalling food crisis and end in our sacrificing to support and feed our late enemies; that a deindustrialization program atop forced evacuation of millions of destitute Germans from detached areas into the Reich would erase reparations; that consent to wholesale removals of industrial machinery would bring widespread unemployment; and that the division of Germany into four zones under armies responsible only to their own governments and interests would tend to the permanent partition of Europe and the exacerbation of every difference between the Allies themselves.
Now Mr Byrnes, though he reiterates his loyalty to Potsdam, must in fact see that the policies, especially in view of the arbitrary interpretations of them by the USSR, mean the economic disintegration of Europe as well as Germany and a frightful charge on American taxpayers.
Well, I still cannot understand why anyone expected other results. For if there were a scrap of imagination, an iota of intellect, a modicum of historical perspective, a shred of democratic principle or even a whiff of morality operating at Potsdam it never was indicated.
Today even the few mitigating —and in the rest of the context impossible and insincere—directives of Potsdam are being subjected to conflicting interpretations by the various Allies.
“Agreement,” says the Potsdam declaration “has been reached at this conference on the political and economic principles of a coordinated Allied policy toward Germany.”
Bunk. There was not a single “principle” enunciated in the whole declaration which consisted merely of arbitrary directives.
“It is not the intention . . . to destroy or enslave the German people” but to “give them the opportunity to prepare for the eventual reconstruction of their life on a democratic and peaceful basis.” To this end “all democratic political parties with rights of assembly and political discussion shall be allowed throughout Germany.” (Ask the Social Democrats in the Russian zone about the application of this “principle.”)
“For the time being” (what is the meaning of “time being”?) “no central German government shall be established . . . but certain essential German administrative departments . . . shall be established in the fields of finance, transport, communications, foreign trade and industry.” (This is what Mr. Byrnes is demanding a year later.)
“During the period of occupation, Germany shall be treated as a single economic unit and to this end common policies shall be established in regard to mining, industrial production, agriculture, forestry, wages, prices, rationing imports and exports, currency, banking, central taxation and customs, reparations and removal of industrial war potential, transportation and communications.”
To date there is no “common” policy regarding any of these categories. Mr. Byrnes wants the power to create an agency to plan a policy, but Molotov says no.
The reparations “principles” were sui generis, respecting no system of accountancy and making no differentiations between private property and state responsibility. The USSR was permitted to remove from her zone whatever capital equipment she chose, guided only by the principle that she leave enough to enable the German people to “live without external assistance.” What is the meaning of “to live—”? Does it include newborn babies whose chances in some areas are about one in nine? And where is the economic “expert” who could accurately gauge the social effects of cutting huge chunks out of a highly integrated economy, an organic living thing that can bleed to death by only partial dismemberment?
Then the western Allies promised delivery to the USSR 15 per cent of such capital equipment “as is unnecessary for the German peace economy” against payments from the Russian zone of food, coal, potash, etc. and 10 per cent, with the same unassessable restriction against no compensation whatever. Most of the eastern food and coal isn’t even in the Russian zone; it was given outright to Poland. The Russians now say they still want $10,000,000,000 without any evidence that it is collectible even within the Potsdam terms. Reparations also were to be collected against German “external assets.” Russia now interprets as such assets properties seized by Hitler’s gang when it overran Europe—including the property of Jews! This of course means the ruin of “liberated” Austria